More that 7 years ago the EZLN emerged in the public when indigenous men and women armed with guns and sticks unexpectedly occupied five towns in the state of Chiapas. The government sent in the army and in the ensuing battles hundreds of lives were lost. But thanks to national and international protests there was a peace agreement after 12 days of heavy fighting. Even though the truce was frequently broken by the government a dialogue was started with the mediation of the Bishop of San Cristóbal which resulted in the Accords of San Andres Sakan`chem de los Pobres which were signed by both sides in 1996 but never made into law due to the government's obstruction. While the state party PRI and president Zedillo were talking about peace an reconciliation, they were waging a quiet war of extermination in Chiapas: the state was militarised with the deployment of 70 000 troops who were in turn training paramilitary groups whose arms were financed by the government. Today there are more than 20 000 refugees in Chiapas who have been driven out of their villages by the paramilitaries or the Federal Army itself. During all these aggressions the EZLN has kept the truce and its support bases have only resisted in a non-violent manner. The only weapon the guerrilla has used extensively since 1994 has been the that of the word. Numerous communiqués by Subcomandante Marcos have been translated into many languages and the Zapatista cause has found world wide support. Because the San Andres accords have not been implemented the EZLN suspended the dialogue with the government in 1996. With the change of government in December 1999, when the 70 year long PRI rule was broken a new era seemed to have dawned. Vicente Fox from the rightist Party of National Action (PAN) promised during his election campaign to solve the conflict within 15 minutes. This quarter of an our has long since passed and Fox has contradicted himself more than once. However, finally the caravan of peace and dignity, as the EZLN calls it has become possible.
Actopan, a small town in the Mexican state of Hidalgo. Around midday throngs of people are crowding the plaza which is surrounded by historic walls. It is hot and a brass band is playing. Suddenly there is commotion among the people and everybody is pushing towards the stage. The EZLN commanders have just come onto the scene. They are greeted by a chorus of: "Zapata vive", "EZLN" and "Viva Marcos". A group of children is presenting a dance and thousands of balloons are floating towards the bright blue sky. The Comandantes are moved: "Your greeting is touching us deeply. Had you started the war instead of us, you would probably have done many things better than us."
About 50 vehicles from national and international Civil Society have been accompanying the EZLN delegation from the beginning of the journey. And daily there are more of them. Everywhere the caravan meets waving and cheering people on the roadside. In all the towns it stops the plazas are crowded. The people are full of hope for a peace, for a new Mexico, for a new world with more justice. Of course the caravan also encounters enemies. Sometimes you see them on the roadside but they are found especially among the upper strata of society. A caravana for justice, self-determination, for humanity and against Neoliberalism is bound to meet rejection, both open and hidden, even when it is officially approved by the president.
The governor of Queretaro has been the most open in showing his revulsion by insulting the Zapatistas as traitors of their country and demanding their execution. Accordingly, the mood is tense as the Caravan is heading for Queretaro on the first of March. Shortly before the planned arrival there is suddenly confusion and panic amongst the people in the Caravan. The breaks of one of the first buses, carrying international observers have failed and it crashes into other vehicles, killing one Federal Policeman and injuring several members of the Zapatista Information Centre (CIZ). The bus, transporting the delegation of the EZLN gets away with a dent. An accident? An attempt on the lives of the Comandantes? The case is being investigated but whether the truth will ever come out is questionable. In fact, strange and unexplained occurrences are commonplace during the caravan. In Oaxaca buses vanish without a trace and before the incident is denounced the state government offers substitute transportation. One bus carrying Italians has apparently been shot at. The Zapatista Delegation has received numerous death threats but it continues undaunted. In absentia, the governor of Queretaro gets to hear the worst insults from Subcomandante Marcos whilst being cheered on by the local people. "The governor is scared to order the execution squad, because he knows they would rather shoot him than us."
But in spite of these threatening words the Zapatistas have come with peaceful intentions. Preliminary climax of the journey is the Third National Indigenous Congress in Nurio, Michoacan which is inaugurated with a big celebration on the 3 of March. Representatives of 42 indigenous peoples of Mexico are analysing the San Andres accords and the proposition of the parliamentary commission COCOPA about the recognition of the rights and culture of indigenous peoples in order to reach a consensus. This consensus is going to be the base for the talks that the EZLN will have with the Congress of the Union in Mexico City.
The Caravan and the Zapatistas seem to have awakened the interest of Mexico for its indigenous: The press is crowding before the stage, where the opening ceremony is held and many celebrities have made their way to the small village of Nurio: actors, writers and as on similar occasion Mrs. Mitterand. For the indigenous this congress represents an effort to organise the many different native peoples of Mexico in order to find a way out of the oppression and the suffering of the past 509 years. The Caravan will hopefully mark a turning point in the history of the country. The Zapatistas are showing to the world, that the organisation of indigenous peoples, based on their traditions and customs, represents a true alternative beyond Capitalism and authoritarian government. They have woken up national and international Civil Society which is now organising to create a new world with the oppressed, the poor and the excluded - A world in which many worlds have their place.
'Nurio, 3560 inhabitants', reads a sign at the village entrance. Some funny person added more numbers, and now it reads: 'Nurio, 335 600 inhabitants.' That's an exaggeration, however, with the arrival of the caravan, suddenly there are twice the people as usual staying, or even more. It's the perfect chaos: Many people open their houses to the visitors who make their simple beds on the floor, and when there is no other possibility, the rest accommodates in the village church.
Nurio, Michoacán, is mostly inhabited by women. Winters are long and cold, and corn can be harvested only once a year, so many men, but also women, are forced to leave in order to find other possibilities of income. In the beginning of March, this semi-abandoned village hosts the delegates and visitors of the Third National Indigenous Congress (CNI) which is inaugurated on March 3, one day later than expected because of the late arrival of the EZLN delegation. During two days, the more than 3000 delegates, representatives of 40 of the 56 ethnic groups that live in Mexico, discuss in 5 groups, exchange experiences and ideas and analyze the COCOPA law initiative and the San Andres Peace Accords.
The results of the Congress are unanimous: in order to support the EZLN's demands the delegates accord a peaceful indigenous uprising in the whole country that should lead to the constitutional recognition of indigenous rights and culture and the San Andres Peace Accords. This includes the distribution of the resolutions of the Congress in all indigenous communities, but also amongst politicians and deputies. In order to reach indigenous autonomy, autonomous municipalities are to be created in the whole country, following the example of Chiapas. "We will recuperate our water, our woods, our land, our sanctuaries, we will recuperate our territory."
Furthermore, the delegates assure the EZLN of their complete support in their mission and name a delegation on their part to accompany the zapatistas to the Congress of the Union in Mexico City. "For the deputies it's dead words, for us it means life." They also included specific demands and aims: against mega-projects like the Plan Puebla-Panamá, for the collaboration of all indigenous peoples in spite of their differences. In order to strengthen the CNI, regional and national spaces are to be created, and those ethnic groups not represented in this Congress are invited to participate in the next one.
Once more, president Fox took advantage of the situation to make people trust him less. For the inauguration of the Third CNI he sent a letter to his "indigenous brothers and sisters": "I give you my word that your peaceful movement will be respected." Which doesn't keep him from announcing the next day that the National Indigenous Congress wasn't at all representative. Participants and observers of the Congress don't agree: Actually, this Congress has been the biggest meeting of indigenous people in Mexico. Inspired by the demands of the EZLN, a multi-ethnic movement is forming after 509 years of exploitation and oppression in order to fight for their rights. But it's not only about themselves: The indigenous people invite all parts of the population to go this way together with them.
For the caravan, the Congress means a few days of relaxation and orientation. It's not easy get organized with so many people, and often it results that we still have to learn a lot about the zapatista policy of "mandar obedeciendo" [command by obeying]. Attempts to organize democratically within the busses or in groups often meet with contempt from parts of the general organization of the caravan where some people think they can decide over everybody. But nobody had said it would be easy, and in spite of some ugly discussions, the caravan keeps going.
March 5, the march continues. After Morelia in Michoacán we go to Toluca in Estado de México where the EZLN is welcomed by the anarchist punks, among others. Again and again, the caravan meets with enthusiastic people along the road, and wherever it stops, masses of people are expecting them. Morelos, then Guerrero. In these regions there are other armed groups: EPR, EPRI and FARP. They have agreed to the march through this territory and given it their support, says Marcos.
Morelos again. Here we follow the ways of Emiliano Zapata. In Cuautla, the zapatistas symbolically sign the Plan of Ayala which once meant the rupture between Emiliano Zapata with Francisco I. Madero and the return to the armed fight of his liberation army. Marcos: "I can see that Fox wants to do the same thing as Madero: no change after the dictatorship." The comandancia pays a short visit to Zapata's family at his place of birth and leave flowers where he was killed. March 8, the caravan finally reaches Milpa Alta, at the outskirts of Mexico City.
In San Pablo, Oztotepec, Milpa Alta, Emiliano Zapata founded his headquarters in 1914. March 9, 2001, the comandancia of the EZLN signs the "Declaration of Nurio" that contains all the agreements of the Third National Indigenous Congress.
The closer the caravan gets to the center of Mexico City, the harder it gets to take part in the public meetings. Thousands attend the manifestation in the Xochimilco stadium in order to listen to the words of the comandancia. Finally, the day has come, the climax of the caravan: the zapatistas enter Mexico City and go to the Zocalo, the main square of the capital, in the heart of the country. In spite of the burning sun, the square fills up with people hours before the arrival of the caravan although TV gives out the wrong time and many get there only when everything is already over. At about 2 pm, the comandantes of the EZLN get there, this time on an open truck, after having traveled 2 hours through Mexico City, being welcomed everywhere by enthusiastic people.
On the Zocalo of the capital there is room for about 200 000 people. But also the surrounding streets are full of people. "Here we are." It is the moment the Portuguese writer José Saramago later calls the most emotive moment of his life. "Actually we shouldn't be here", says Marcos who meanwhile in the eyes of the public has grown into the leading figure of the movement and who is the center of interest in the newspapers, in TV and also in the public meetings. However, it's not about him, but about the "zapatista communities É it's them who are worth being seen and heard, and spoken to."
Those who expected solutions from Marcos were disappointed. His message to the capital: "We didn't come here in order to tell you what to do nor to lead you anywhere. We came to ask you respectfully for your help. That you won't allow that there be no other dawn without this flag having a dignified place for us who are of the color of the earth."
Some time later, the comandancia made the ENAH, the National Anthropology and History School, their headquarters. They announced to stay in Mexico City until the conflict is resolved. How long might that be? Who knows, but it won't be a short and easy way for sure. The three signs demanded by the EZLN as precondition to reinitiate the peace talks have not been fulfilled. In Chiapas, some of the political prisoners suspected of being zapatistas are being released step by step, but there are still more in jail. The army keeps their position. But president Fox invites subcomandante Marcos to meet with him at the government's house. Marcos refuses to accept the invitation in a TV interview: "That's a trap É What does the country , the indigenous people, the government É gain with that photo".
At the moment, the delegation of the EZLN is in Mexico City and has already made contact with COCOPA. But the PRI and PAN deputies have already decided that the delegation should only be able to talk with a commission of 20 deputies and senators. The EZLN hasn't answered this proposal yet. The caravan itself is dissolving: the busses are about to return to San Cristobal, and many caravanists have already gone home. The rest stays on university grounds where students have erected a new "Aguascalientes": a miniature village made of boxes and boards, a water tank, a kitchen. Where the street of hope meets the street of utopia É
The comandancia of the EZLN returns to Chiapas. Not with their hands empty, as it was feared about a week ago, but after an impressive session with the deputies of the Congress of the Union, the highest forum in Mexico. Even those who opposed this meeting had to admit afterwards that it had been a historic moment.
March 28, at about 11 am., the zapatista delegates entered the Congress building, and with them more than 100 special guests, mostly members of the National Indigenous Congress CNI; but also Francisco Gómez, one of the victims of the first days of combat in January 1994, and 6 indigenous people who are in jail or wanted because of defending their rights had their seats reserved.
The PAN deputies, who had opposed the decision to allow the EZLN delegates to the tribune of the Congress, didn't attend the session. Neither did Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos whom many had expected to be the person to speak for the EZLN. Comandante Esther, who was the first to take the word for the delegation, explained: "Some will have thought that this tribune would be occupied by sup Marcos and that it would be his task to give the central message of the EZLN. You see that this is not the case. Subcomandante insurgente Marcos is this, a subcomandante. We are the comandantes, those who give orders in general, those who give orders obeying our people. To the sup and those who share with him hopes and dreams we gave the mission to bring us to this tribune. They, our warriors, have fulfilled this task thanks to the support of the mobilizations of the people of Mexico and the world. Now our hour has come."
The message of the EZLN given by Comandante Esther was met with attention. For the first time in many years the EZLN spoke of peace. They announced not to occupy the installations left by the army and not to take any military actions in general. At the same time they recognized the government's wish for a peaceful resolution of the conflict and announced that the architect Yañez would soon get in touch with the government's representative, Luis H. Alvarez.
Comandante David mainly spoke about the meaning of the San Andres Peace Accords and demanded their recognition. Comandante Zebedeo questioned the fact that the law is always on the side of the rich and powerful, whilst the poor and the indigenous people are persecuted when they insist on their rights. Even if there are laws in their favor, these are simply ignored. He reminded the deputies that they had been put in their position by the people in order to represent them in a responsible way.
Comandante Tacho explained the meaning and tradition of the word in the indigenous communities: it is law. Even if nowadays it's lies and deceive that govern, the word can't be bought with money. The zapatistas give their word to reinitiate the peace talks when the 2 conditions left are fulfilled (liberation of all zapatista prisoners and ratification of the San Andres Peace Accords). He expressed his hope that the COCOPA law initiative will soon become a law in the constitution.
After this it was the turn of three representatives of the National Indigenous Congress to explain the benefits of the COCOPA's law proposal for the indigenous people. They made clear that this law was actually nothing new but only a recognition of what was being practiced every day in the indigenous communities: communal life in accordance with nature based on the experience of many generations, work for the community and communal property, decision taking with the participation of everybody. They also explained that they were neither looking for privileges nor the separation from Mexico. And of course they have all the rights to ask the following question: How come natural resources are exported from indigenous territories on a huge scale while many indigenous communities don't even have water, electricity or proper roads?
The Congress session took 5? hours, and also the deputies of the different parties got the chance to make commentaries and ask questions. After that, the EZLN comandantes met with the civil society: between 3 and 4 thousand people who had waited all day in front of the Congress building. The Comandantes announced their proximate return to Chiapas, said good-bye to the people and thanked them for all the support they had received during the whole march. Comandante Zebedeo said they would like to take their hearts out in order to return them to the civil society, but "we would die. We think a smile would do or a dance, but that's not possible because I don't know who to dance, but I will learn it together with you."
17 days had passed since the triumphal manifestation of the zapatistas on the capital's main square, the Zocalo. In this period, the comandantes didn't have much time to relax. Almost daily they met with intellectuals, the civil society or students. The EZLN delegation visited the National Polytechnic Institute and the universities UAM and UNAM. They also had meetings with the students of Institute for Anthropology and History ENAH who had lent them their facilities for the time of their visit to Mexico City.
The actual aim of the caravan, however, was to meet with the delegates of the Congress of the Union in order to explain the benefits of the COCOPA law initiative, as announced on Dec 2 of last year. For a while, this seemed to be impossible because of the obstacles PAN deputies put to everything: according to them, people wearing masks couldn't enter the tribune of the Congress, and everything was illegal anyway. President Fox announced daily that he had already fulfilled the three conditions of the EZLN to reinitiate the dialogue and that he wanted to meet with Marcos. However, there are still zapatistas in jail, and the San Andres Peace Accords have not been ratified yet. The EZLN comandantes left it clear to Fox that there wouldn't be a meeting with Marcos because it was not about him.
Finally, the EZLN announced their return to Chiapas without having reached their main goal. For that they blamed the racism of the politicians. In a last meeting in front of the Congress of the Union they said good-bye to the people with the words the Congress deputies were obviously not willing to listen to. But in the last moment they got the surprising message: the deputies had taken a vote and decided with 220 votes to 210 and 7 abstentions to allow the zapatistas to enter the tribune of the Congress. So the zapatistas reached the aim of their initiative for the moment. Now it is to the Congress to act. But this was not the only success of the caravan: one of the three demands of the EZLN is finally being fulfilled by the government, so that Marcos could express his happiness that "a boy called Pedro, we call him Pedrito, can finally live in his house after having to spend 6 years and 1 month in the mountains", because the inhabitants of Guadalupe Tepeyac can finally return to their village that had been occupied by the Mexican army.
Thanks to the zapatista caravan, the indigenous people have become of common interest after centuries of being forgotten. Newspapers publish poems in their languages, and even some deputies started their speeches in the words of several indigenous languages. The EZLN's visit to the Congress was transmitted by three Mexican TV stations. One PRD deputy even quoted a part from a book by Octavio Paz about the durability of the indigenous and the zapatismo.
Last but not least, the caravan has played it's part to revive the zapatismo that had already 'passed out of fashion' in Mexico and worldwide. It had and has many supporters, but also many enemies, and it is not a coincidence that the main media e.g. in the USA hardly gave any information about the march, because, as Noam Chomsky puts it, it is one of the most important popular movements of the last years that has developed worldwide during what is known as the neoliberal period.
And the civil society has woken up from it's beauty sleep and is beginning to organize again: in the preparation of the caravan itself, the safety of the EZLN delegation, the meetings on their trip through the country. It is to hope that this will not pass in one day but that the structures developed will be used and strengthened in order to continue the fight for the rights of the indigenous people and all the poor and oppressed, and the zapatismo stays alive not only on the many T-shirts and posters sold in these days.
END
Originally published on http://chiapas.indymedia.org