"Heartbeat of Mexico" August 30, 1996
EPR STRIKES IN SEVEN STATES
- Offensives in Guerrero, Oaxaca, State of Mexico, Among Others
- Official Toll: 14 or 15 Dead, 14 to 23 Injured
- Interior Secretariat Admits that Rebels "Not a Pantomime"
On Wednesday, August 28, the Popular Revolutionary Army (EPR, in Spanish) attacked military installations and took other strategic points in seven states of the Mexican Republic: Guerrero, Oaxaca, Chiapas, State of Mexico , Tabasco, Guanajuato and Puebla. Reports differed slightly as to the number of dead and injured. La Jornada reported 15 deaths and 14 injuries; El Reforma reported 14 deaths and 23 injuries. Both dailies cited "official sources", presumably National Defense Secretariat (Sedena) communiques. More particulars:
Guerrero: Presumed EPR members simultaneously attacked Judicial Police headquarters in Tixtla (site of ambushes earlier this month), military barracks in Ciudad Altamirano and Petatlan and a police detachment in Acapulco. According to "official sources", two police offers died, nine (Jornada) or 10 (Reforma) were injured, including six soldiers of the 40th Infantry Batallion in Ciudad Altamirano, and three presumed EPR combatants detained.
Oaxaca: Armed confrontations occurred between the EPR and state police in Tlaxiaco and coastal tourist center Santa Maria Huatulco, where the heaviest violence of the day was reported. Eleven (Reforma) or 12 (Jornada ) diedthree police officers in Tlaxiaco, two police officers, three navy members, two civilians and two rebels in Huatulco (the discrepancy involved a Tlaxiaco policeman reported missing and later confirmed dead)--while 10 were wounded (Jornada headlines reported 14 injured, while information contained in articles detailed at least 19 injuries). The toll could rise, given reports that four bombs were detonated at the military base of the 15th Military Zone, near the federal airport of the state capital, Oaxaca City.
Chiapas: EPR troops blocked the Tuxtla Gutierrez-San Cristobal highway, setting up checkpoints and distributing propaganda. No deaths or injuries were registered. A presumed EPR militant stated in a telephone interview to several journalists that the guerrilla group would undertake only "peaceful "activities out of respect for the peace talks between the federal government and the Zapatista Army.
State of Mexico: Shoot-outs occurred between the EPR and public security forces in Texcoco and Papalotla, while two presumed guerrilla soldiers were detained in Hiuxquilucan. One municipal police officer died in Paplotla and three soldiers were wounded at an electricity plant in Texcoco.
Tabasco: Rebel forces took over a radio station in state capital Villahermosa. No dead or injured were reported.
Guanajuato: Shoot-outs and propaganda activities were reported at undisclosed locations in the state; no deaths or injuries were registered. A group calling itself the Guanajuato Revolutionary Army also appeared in the state.
Puebla: Presumed EPR members attacked military headquarters in charge of protecting a Federal Electricity Commission plant in Nueva Necaxa, Puebla. Unconfirmed reports informed of four deaths (according to some witnesses, EPR members; others averred that the deceased were Federal Army troops).
In addition, two presumed EPR members were arrested in the state of San Luis Potosi (La Jornada).
REACTIONS:
Government
President Zedillo rejected the possibility of negotiations with the
"terrorist" EPR. The president stated that the Zapatista Army in
Chiapas (with which the government is presently carrying out peace
negotiations) is an organization with a legitimate social base which,
although initially violent, was never terrorist. In contrast, the
government will pursue the EPR "with the full force of the law.
Subsecretary of the Interior Arturo Nunez retracted his earlier
statement that the EPR was a mere "pantomime", though he insisted
that the EPR was a "hung-over revolutionary group" from the 10s.
Furthermore, the Interior Secretariat averred that the EPR was the
armed wing of the Revolutionary Clandestine Workers Party of Popular
Unity (PROCUP), a sociopolitical organization rumored to have been
involved with Guerrero revolutionary groups in the early 10s.
Meanwhile, the Federal Army continued its militarization of the affected states, as well as injecting troops into other locales, including Coahuila, Yucatan, Hidalgo and Zacatecas. Police officers from the Attorney Generals office will be coordinating security tasks with the Army.
Political Parties
The parties concurred in condemning the violent acts as
counterproductive, although each with its own nuances. The PRI, in a
communique from its national committee, continued to blame the
attacks on shadowy forces which are attempted to "destabilize" the
Republic. PAN president Felipe Calderon Hinojosa appeared to support
a firm military solution to the EPR, which should be confronted
"without wavering, with a heavy hand", but accused the executive
branch of attempting to minimize the problem by restricting it to
Guerrero, thus disinforming the Mexican people. Andres Lopez Obrador
called for "prudence" on the part of both the government and the EPR,
stating that the government shouldnt seize upon the attacks as a
pretext to persecute social groups. Lopez Obrador exhorted the
parties to consider a negotiated solution to the conflict.
The Church
While the hierarchy of the Catholic church roundly condemned the
violence, a letter signed by seven bishops from Oaxaca and
Chiapasincluding the controversial Samuel Ruiz, bishop of San
Cristobal de las Casas, Chiapasasserted that "late" solutions to
social problems are responsible for generating violent, revolutionary
protest.
ANALYSIS:
The EPR, it appears, is a genuinely revolutionary group with a far more extensive organization than imagined at first. Many doubts still exist as to the financial backers of the group. Some assert that the guerrilla army is linked to drug traffickers who wish to debilitate the Federal Army and thus take advantage of newly-opened operational spaces. Others claim that the group finances itself through kidnappings and armed robbery. Whatever the case may be, there is little doubt that the rank-and-file proceed express long-standing, widespread frustration to extreme poverty and political oppression which they believe cannot be addressed through institutional channels.
In the meantime, the Army is capitalizing on the conflict to militarize the country --or a good part of it-- and, thus, increase its political influence. Upcoming local November elections in the State of Mexico and Guerrero will be severely impacted by a climate of violence, dealing a hars h blow to the country's intended resolution of disputes through institutional measures. Moreover, the Zedillo administration finds itself between the Charybdis of social groups demanding far-reaching answers to pressing difficulties and the Scylla of an Army increasingly avid for power.
While the EPR lacks the creativity and imagination of the EZLN, it has done one thing that the Zapatistas could not (or did not): spread revolution elsewhere in the Mexican Republic. The country can no longer afford to dismiss the EPR as a gang of mime artists.
David Crow
Javier Medina
Fronteras Comunes
e-mail: frontcomunes@laneta.apc.org