It all started with a simple query. The National Indigenous Congress, in the name of civil society in general, invited the EZLN (Zapatista National Liberation Army) to their October 8-12 conference in Mexico City. The Zapatistas never said yes, but spoke of their right to attend the conference.
This sent Mexico, in particular the Zedillo administration, into a tizzy. On three separate occasions, President Zedillo commented publicly on the delegation, first with an unequivocal NO, then threatening that the delegation would be viewed as a "provocation," and finally demanding that the delegation be part of a negotiated agreement. Secretary of Gobernacion Emilio Chauyfett said NO, then practically begged the Zapatistas to present a formal request that could be negotiated. COCOPA, the Congressional body that has been mediating peace talks with the EZLN, sent mixed signals, depending on their party affiliation. PRI members were, of course, opposed. One PAN representative stated that the presence of the delegation in the capitol would mean the "end of government authority," but the PAN quietly enjoyed Zedillo's predicament. PRD members favored the delegation. COCOPA has a rotating presidency, with the PT (Worker's Party) currently in charge, and in favor of the delegation under certain conditions. The Mexican press was full of articles and commentary on the proposed delegation. The progressive "La Jornada" carried at least six pages of articles plus commentary for a full week. The subject dominated even the most conservative papers.
For a week and a half the public discussed, the press debated, the government issued statements - while the Zapatistas watched from the Lacandon jungle. With no firm decision from the EZLN and no formal request to the government, COCOPA traveled from Mexico City to La Realidad for emergency negotiations. At the outset the Zedillo administration demanded that the EZLN convert from a military force to a civilian movement before the delegation could travel to Mexico City. The Zapatistas position, backed by most legal experts, held that the amnesty laws, which form the backbone of the current peace process, provide for travel throughout the country by unarmed EZLN delegations. COCOPA spent four days shuttling between La Realidad and Mexico City (a trip of at least five hours each way via dirt road, helicopter and airplane).
In a dramatic press conference held on October 9 in La Realidad, Subcommander Marcos and representatives of COCOPA jointly announced that a delegation would travel the following day to Mexico City. The EZLN had not asked for permission, and COCOPA was left to simply concur with their decision. They also announced a return to the stalled peace talks on October 15, this time in San Cristobal de las Casas. With the increased visibility of San Cristobal over the previous site in San Andres Larrainzar, this was a clear victory for the EZLN. In fact, it appeared that the Zapatistas won on every point. COCOPA staked out a position in clear contradiction to that of the Zedillo administration, thereby establishing a new level of independence. This should help the future peace process.
At the press conference, Marcos surprised everyone by announcing that Commander Ramona would represent the EZLN. This stroke of genius resolved many of the thornier problems of the delegation. Ramona is gravely ill with cancer and her condition did not permit transport by land. While a land caravan would have had political benefits, generating excitement at public events along the way, it also posed the problem of potential acts of sabotage by government-affiliated groups. Acts of sabotage would, of course, be dangerous to the delegation, but would also give the Zedillo administration a pretext for preventing future EZLN delegations from traveling throughout Mexico. Ramona in many ways represents the heart and soul of the EZLN and is a highly sympathetic and revered figure. Her presence literally assured that even the six hour car caravan to the airport in Tuxtla Gutierrez would not be disrupted. With the announcement of Ramona, Zedillo was forced to retreat from his initial NO and offer "all possible assurances" for her safety.
On October 10, fifty armed and mounted EZLN fighters and the entire community of La Realidad bid an emotional farewell to Ramona. Marcos symbolically handed her over to the protection of the civilian population and COCOPA, pointedly leaving the Zedillo administration without a formal role. After a reception in San Cristobal and a night at the cathedral, she arrived the following day in Mexico City.
This is the first time an official EZLN delegation has traveled outside of Chiapas. For the past two years the EZLN has negotiated for peace surrounded on all sides by the better equipped and much larger Mexican army. From a military point of view, they had few options. But their political impact throughout the country has been their trump card. The justness of their demands for cultural, economic and political rights carries resonance for most Mexicans. Astutely using the media and building ties with important sectors of the civilian population have given the EZLN political reach well beyond Chiapas. Now they have broken through the physical boundaries as well and their political impact will increase dramatically.
This will have significant repercussions in some unanticipated areas. The Mexican army has been largely responsible for mounting a campaign of low intensity warfare in Chiapas, putting pressure on the EZLN to negotiate a quick and insignificant peace accord. From the beginning this has split the military. Many officers believe that the role of the military is to protect the borders, and that fighting with fellow Mexicans threatens their honor. An EZLN delegation outside of Chiapas will threaten the authority of those in favor of the low intensity option and increase the already existing divisions over the true role of the army. Zedillo clearly recognized this predicament and paid several visits to army bases in Chiapas in an attempt at damage control. In the long term, the hardliners in the military might be the biggest losers.
This will be the first of many anticipated Zapatista delegations. Eventually perhaps even Marcos will make a public appearance. In any case, it is certain that the EZLN leadership will carefully analyze the impact as future strategies unfold. The EZLN has accomplished a great deal with very limited resources, but they have a long way to go. Nothing less then economic and political democracy will satisfy this indigenous movement that speaks for all of Mexico.
Ramona is extremely ill with cancer and is unlikely to regain enough strength to return to Chiapas. The rector of the National Autonomous University of Mexico has offered her a residence on the campus. The UNAM has historically been one of the principle centers of progressive organizing in the country and Ramona's presence will give the EZLN an incredible organizing opportunity. Unfortunately, Ramona is not likely to survive her illness, but her presence will certainly continue. She will be the first major EZLN martyr and chants of "Ramona vive" will fill the air for years to come.
A Pastors for Peace delegation spent a week in Chiapas as these events unfolded. Our role was twofold: to provide an international presence which limited the military and police options during this critical time and to provide a source of credible, firsthand information. After reading Julia Preston's October 11 hatchet job in the New York Times, the importance of this second role became even clearer. One wonders if Ms. Preston has ever visited Mexico. She certainly was not in La Realidad, where the entire scenario unfolded. Even if she got all of her information from press releases issued by Los Pinos (the Mexican White House) and the notoriously right wing Mexican TV, she could not have been more misinformed. Discounting her obvious political bias in favor of the Zedillo administration (this is to be expected from the NYT, though not tolerated), she even got most of the facts wrong. Pastors for Peace suggests calls to the New York Times (Foreign Editor Bill Keller, Tel: 212-556-7415) encouraging Ms. Preston to occasionally venture out of her Mexico City hotel room to discover the real Mexico.
IFCO/PASTORS FOR PEACE ORGANIZES HUMANITARIAN AID CARAVANS, HUMAN RIGHTS OBSERVER DELEGATIONS AND PARTICIPATION IN CIVILIAN ENCAMPMENTS IN CHIAPAS. FOR MORE INFORMATION, PLEASE CONTACT IFCO/PASTORS FOR PEACE
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